This article looks forward to inquire into the use that local fascists made of the notion of Italian-Argentineness with regard to Bahía Blanca's society in order to generate social nets and bonds outside the local Italian community. With that understanding, the previously mentioned notion allows us to demonstrate the capitalization of visibility and prestige in individual terms by the collectivity's leading sectors related to fascism. By the analysis of local press and the Sociedad Italiana de Socorros Mutuos de Bahía Blanca's files, we reconstruct the ways in which the idea of Italian-Argentineness operated cultural and politically from the foundation of the Instituto Ítalo-Argentino de Cultura, on April 1930, to the end of the Second Italian-Ethiopian War and the resulting declaration of the Italian Empire, on May 1936. To sum up, this study departs from a local case to observe the mechanisms of the instrumental and selective use of the homeland's politics in the host society as an element for the construction of symbolic capital within the latter, which we consider can give a renew complexity to political History of immigration, as well as that of Italian-Argentinian fascism in particular.

El artículo busca indagar acerca de los usos hechos por los fascistas bahienses de la noción de ítalo-argentinidad de cara a la sociedad local para generar vínculos y redes sociales al exterior de la colectividad italiana. Así entendida, la noción aludida permite demostrar la capitalización de la visibilidad y el prestigio en términos individuales por parte de los sectores dirigentes de la colectividad vinculados al fascismo. Mediante el análisis de la prensa local y de los archivos de la Sociedad Italiana de Socorros Mutuos de Bahía Blanca, se reconstruyen los modos en que la idea de la ítalo-argentinidad operó cultural y políticamente desde la fundación del Instituto Ítalo-Argentino de Cultura, en abril de 1930, hasta el fin de la Segunda Guerra Ítalo-Etíope y la consiguiente declaración del Imperio Italiano, en mayo de 1936. En síntesis, el estudio realizado parte de un caso local para observar los mecanismos del uso instrumental y selectivo de la política del país de origen en la sociedad receptora como elemento para la construcción de capital simbólico en el marco de esta última, lo que consideramos que puede otorgar renovada complejidad a la historia política de la inmigración en general, y a la del fascismo ítalo-argentino en particular.

Biomaterials’ structural characteristics and the addition of osteoinductors influence the osteointegration capacity of bone substitutes. This study aims to identify the characteristics of porous and resorbable bone substitutes that influence new bone formation. An Internet search for studies reporting new bone formation rates in bone defects filled with porous and resorbable substitutes was performed in duplicate using the PubMed, Web of Science, Scielo, and University of São Paulo Digital Library databases. Metaphyseal or calvarial bone defects 4 to 10 mm in diameter from various animal models were selected. New bone formation rates were collected from the histomorphometry or micro-CT data. The following variables were analyzed: animal model, bone region, defect diameter, follow-up time after implantation, basic substitute material, osteoinductor addition, pore size and porosity. Of 3,266 initially identified articles, 15 articles describing 32 experimental groups met the inclusion criteria. There were no differences between the groups in the experimental model characteristics, except for the follow-up time, which showed a very weak to moderate correlation with the rate of new bone formation. In terms of the biomaterial and structural characteristics, only porosity showed a significant influence on the rate of new bone formation. Higher porosity is related to higher new bone formation rates. The influence of other characteristics could not be identified, possibly due to the large variety of experimental models and methodologies used to estimate new bone formation rates. We suggest the inclusion of standard control groups in future experimental studies to compare biomaterials.

The aim of this article is to reconstruct the conflict between fascists and antifascists during the elections celebrated in the Italia Unita Society of Bahía Blanca, on January 16th 1927, through the wide broadcasting it had in the local press. These elections showed an openly politic nature, having into account the fact that the fascio ‘Giulio Giordani’ operated in the city, since May 15th 1926. This institution, since its very origins looked for becoming the representative of the local Italian community. In that context, the elections in the Italian entity were an institutional manifestation of the conflict that, since the constitution of the fascio, existed between its members and local antifascists, many of them linked to the Socialist Center of Bahía Blanca. Then, our study attempts to understand the elections - as well as the atmosphere during the election campaign, and fundamentally its consequences- in the light of the dispute between fascism and antifascism for the hegemony in the Italian community of Bahía Blanca. This paper belongs to a wider investigation that searches to analyze, for the case of Bahía Blanca, the results of the Italian government’s attempt to control the Italian institutions abroad.

En este artículo buscamos reconstruir el conflicto entre fascistas y antifascistas en las elecciones de la Sociedad Italia Unita de Bahía Blanca, realizadas el 16 de enero de 1927, a partir de la amplia difusión que tuvieron en las páginas de la prensa local. Tales comicios revistieron un carácter abiertamente político, teniendo en cuenta que desde el 15 de mayo de 1926 operaba en la ciudad el fascio “Giulio Giordani”, institución que desde sus orígenes buscaba erigirse en representante de la comunidad italiana de la ciudad. En ese contexto, las elecciones de la Sociedad italiana fueron la manifestación institucional del conflicto que, desde la constitución del fascio, se daba entre sus miembros y los antifascistas locales, muchos de ellos ligados al Centro Socialista de Bahía Blanca. Se ensayará, entonces, una interpretación de las elecciones (así como de su clima de campaña previo y sus consecuencias) a la luz de la disputa entre fascismo y antifascismo por la hegemonía en la colectividad italiana bahiense. El trabajo se enmarca en una investigación más amplia que busca analizar, en el caso bahiense, los resultados del intento de controlar las instituciones italianas en el extranjero por parte del gobierno italiano.

OBJECTIVE: Macroporous cement with mechanical properties similar to cancellous bone may improve the treatment of large bone defects in relation to solid acrylic cement. The aim of this study was to compare physical and mechanical characteristics of a polymethyl methacrylate (PMMA) based porous cement with cancellous bone. METHODS: Compressive strength and pore size, interconnectivity, and distribution of cylindrical porous PMMA cement samples containing 10% (G1), 20% (G2) or 30% (G3) effervescent components were analyzed. Results were compared to bovine cancellous bone (G4) and solid PMMA (G5) samples. RESULTS: Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) of all experimental samples (G1 - G3) revealed a random distribution and a wide size variation of pores ranging from 50 µm to 3 mm. Micro-CT showed that G2 have high porosity and lower interconnectivity of pores. No significant differences in yield strength and Young's modulus were observed among G1, G2 and G3. G4 samples were slightly stronger and less elastic than the other groups. Solid PMMA is extremely strong and inelastic. CONCLUSIONS: PMMA based porous cement met the expected characteristics. High porosity with large and interconnected pores may allow for bone ingrowth. Strength and elasticity similar to cancellous bone may enhance mechanical stimuli to bone remodeling. Observational Descriptive Study.